Navigating Patriarchy in Indian Electoral Politics
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India elected 74 women MPs to the Lok Sabha this year, making up just 13.6% of the House—a decline of four from the previous national elections. Given that women constitute approximately half of the country's population, this representation is starkly inadequate. Even considering the proposed 33% reservation for women in legislatures, the current figure remains disappointingly low at 13.6%.
The persistent underrepresentation of women in legislative bodies highlights a troubling reality, especially in light of increasing female voter registration and turnout since the late 1990s. Praveen Rai from the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) refers to this phenomenon as the "silent feminisation" of electoral politics in India. While female voter turnout dipped in 2024 compared to 2019, the proportion of women voters within the total electorate rose from 48.1% to 48.7%. Furthermore, since the first general elections, the gap in voter turnout between men and women has significantly narrowed. More women from scheduled castes and tribes are participating in elections, suggesting an upswing in the phenomenon of ‘feminisation’ which is not reflected in their representation in the legislatures. This curious dichotomy is noteworthy.
(Image source: Women Voters in Indian Elections: Changing Trends and Emerging Patterns; Edited By Sanjay Kumar)
It is fair to hold the system of patriarchy accountable for the prejudice and discrimination against women in the public domain, including electoral processes. As a set of norms, patriarchy is difficult to circumvent. It is embedded in our conditioning, social arrangements, and legal practices. Men are typically expected to display masculine traits, while women are encouraged to embody feminine ones. Those who fail to meet these normative gender expectations, regardless of gender, are often mocked.
Women are socialized to prioritize roles centered around nurturing and caregiving, which further entrenches patriarchal norms. Engaging in activities such as voting, campaigning, or contesting elections is often viewed as a departure from familial responsibilities, positioning these actions as contradictory to the patriarchal agenda. Moreover, women have less access to property and resources, and this is compounded by spatial factors such as residing in a heavily guarded patriarchal society, making their participation in the public sphere even more difficult.
Another way to undermine women’s stake in electoral politics is by stripping away their agency. Anti-suffragists, both in the past and present, have comfortably assigned their logic to women’s supposed inability to act independently. Even with provisions for 33% reservation for women candidates in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs), the phenomenon of “sarpanchpatism” persists, where men effectively dominate political decision-making while women serve merely as figureheads. This practice not only diminishes women to mere wives, sisters, daughters and daughters-in-law in grassroots politics but also undermines the quality and efficacy of governance and service delivery at the local level.
The political landscape favours men and creates significant barriers for women. Election campaigning and electoral activities are labour-intensive and demand long-term interaction outside the home—challenges that are particularly difficult for women to navigate within a patriarchal framework. Patriarchy perpetuates a cycle where women's underrepresentation in politics is reinforced by their internalization of their role as the oppressed. As a result, many women deny their autonomy, rely on male protection, and strive to secure the best for themselves within the limits of a patriarchal society. This dynamic may also help explain the increasing voter turnout among women, despite their minimal representation in legislative bodies.
Even when women enter politics, a critical question remains: do they truly wield power? The expectations placed on women politicians often reflect deep-rooted patriarchal values. They must go above and beyond to gain acceptance, facing scrutiny that their male counterparts rarely encounter. Mayawati, leader of Bahujan Samaj Party famously declared, "Chamari hoon, kunwari hoon, tumhari hoon"(I am low caste, I am unmarried and I am yours). Would we expect a man to declare his bachelor status to prove his commitment to serving the people? While men who are sanyasis or renouncers may receive considerable attention in Indian politics, this expectation of asceticism is more the exception than the norm. In contrast, women are often required to forsake their familial responsibilities to be deemed politically effective, underscoring the stark double standards that persist in the political arena.
Women who do succeed in getting elected often find themselves marginalized in terms of power and influence. Madhu Kishwar points out that they are frequently assigned 'feminine' portfolios—such as ministries focused on women and child development, culture, or social welfare—that tend to come with limited resources and reach. This relegation not only undermines their potential impact but also perpetuates the notion that women's contributions to governance are secondary and less significant.
The disconnect between women’s electoral engagement and actual representation is disturbing and must be addressed. As discussed, this disconnect can partly be attributed to the longstanding patriarchal framework that shapes political dynamics and limits female agency. To cultivate a more equitable political environment, it is crucial to confront the entrenched norms that dictate gender expectations and empower women not just to participate, but to lead with authority.
Further reading:
Women’s Participation in Electoral Politics in India: Silent Feminisation; Praveen Rai / https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0262728016675529
Women Voters in Indian Elections - Changing Trends and Emerging Patterns; Edited By Sanjay Kumar / https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9781003094432/women-voters-indian-elections-sanjay-kumar
Women and Politics: Beyond Quotas; Madhu Kishwar / https://www.jstor.org/stable/4404714
How women voted; T.K. Rajalakshmi / https://frontline.thehindu.com/politics/women-voting-patterns-india-2024-lok-sabha-election/article68266079.ece
Featured image credits: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-66878565